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Śaka Clans, Pallava Royals, Śākya Nāyanār and Bodhidharma

 Śaka Clans, Pallava Royals, Śākya Nāyanār and Bodhidharma

Bodhidharma is the founder of Zen Buddhism in China. He belonged to the Kṣatrya royal family of Pallavas who ruled from Kanchipuram, Tamil Nadu. Bodhidharma was a name given later, and his original name seems to be Bodhitārā. He was the third and last son of a south Indian great king. His teacher was Prajñātārā, who taught Lakāvatāra Sūtra. Throughout Buddhist art, Bodhidharma is depicted as an ill-tempered, profusely-bearded, wide-eyed, red-haired person. He is referred as "The Blue-Eyed Barbarian" (Chinese碧眼胡pinyinBìyǎnhú) in Chan texts. This is a very interesting information about Bodhidharma’s ethnicity and in general, about Pallava dynasty. Pallava itself is thought to be the Sanskritization of Pahlava of Iran. Pallava means “Toṇḍai” flowers, the tutelary plant of Pallavas, and the mythical first king was Ātoṇḍa Cakravarti”.  Kamil Zvelebil referred to Bodhidharma’s Pallava origin and wrote an essay in 1987 linking a Tamil proverb and a Kōan attributed to Japanese Zen master, Hakuin. I found a song in which a famous poet, Bharatidasan uses this same proverb, a little earlier than when Prof. Zvelebil collected data about various Tamil dialects in 1950s.  Bharatidasan’s song is given at the end after Zvelebil’s essay. It is possible that this proverb/kōan exists in some Chan/Zen works in Chinese or Tibetan sources earlier than Hakuin. Śākya Nāyanār, originally a Buddhist, is one of the 63 saints of Śaivism. Śākya Nāyanār, like Bodhidharma, was a Buddhist who lived in Kanchipuram.

India is a country known for its Oral traditions of preserving wisdom. Due to the Vedic texts available from 12th century BC onwards and, Sangam Tamil from 3rd century BCE, and also from Archaeological, Art Historical, Linguistic and Paleo-Genetics research, scholars illuminate the “Vedic Night” from the time of Indus Valley decline to Historic period. Vedic Night refers to the time period from Post-Harappan Copper Hoard culture in the Yamuna-Ganges plains to Pre-Sangam period in South India. Aryan language speakers from Central Asia enter India in three phases: (a) the First wave, creators of Atharva Veda in post-Harappan times merge with earlier religious traditions of Indus Valley. The Indus crocodile cult becomes Anthropomorphic Axe (AA) sculptures in Post-Harappan Indo-Gangetic doab area. A millennium later, during Iron Age, these AA sculptures are the first monoliths found in megalithic burial sites in Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh. Pandya kings issue Aśvamedha sacrifice coins conducted showing crocodiles in tanks. 


 

 

 

Figure 1.  PĀṆḌYA Peruvazhuti Ashvamedha coin, 3rd century BCE (Note Makara crocodile outside water pond).

(b) The Second wave is the Rgvedic Aryans with Indra as the supreme deity (c) Finally, the Śaka tribes from Iran. Buddha, Mahāvīra, and much later Pallavas like Bodhidharma belong to the Śākya clan. An excellent reference is The Roots of Hinduism, The early Aryans and Indus civilization, by Asko Parpola (Oxford University, 2015). Some additional references given at the end to pursue more on the religious history in Tamil lands in First millennium BC when the Bodhidarma’s forefathers moved in from Central Asia co-opting with the Dravidian elites, a process that started from Atharva Vedic Aryan tribes (Dāśas/Daśyus) around 1700 BCE.

Two lasting influences of Śaka clans in India are (1) Creation of Brahmi script in North India and (2) Dog sculpture representing the star Sirius in Gaṅgādhara panels carved in Pallava caves. Brahmi script is formed with most letters formed from two basic forms - circle and square. Interaction with Greeks in the Persian empire during Darius the Great with Gandhāra forming part of his kingdom led to this development. Greek capital letters form the model for most Brahmi letters. In fact these basic geometric forms are inscribed at the end of Tamil Brahmi inscription at Kongar Puliyangulam, near Madurai (Cf. M. Lockwood).  An early form of Pre-Mauryan Brahmi letters appears in Anthropomorphic Axe (AA) sculpture with a Makara (crocodile) face in Sonipat, Haryana around mid 6th century BCE. 


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 Fig. 2 Anthropomorphic Axe (Makara Viṭaṅkar) with Pre-Mauryan Brahmi

The Jaina emperor, Candragupta Maurya and his grandson, Aśoka spread Brahmi  throughout Indian subcontinent as the official script for all Indian languages. In Tamil Nadu, places like Kodumaṇal routinely yield pottery with Tamil Brahmi in the mid-5th century (K. Rajan, Early Writing System: A Journey from Graffiti to Brahmi, 2015, Madurai.) Dilip Chakravarti, Archaeologist, Cambridge Unversity wrote a book review.

In ancient Iran, the Summer festival of Rain is dedicated to Sirius, the brightest star in the Night Sky. Sirius is known colloquially as the "Dog Star", reflecting its prominence in its constellation, Canis Major (the Greater Dog). Canis Major was classically depicted as Orion's dog, Mṛgavyādha "hunter". https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Winter_Triangle Due to the Greco-Persian wars and trade, ancient Śaka folks took the Sirius "Dog star" idea to South India. Their descendants, Pallava kings, incorporate the dog star Sirius sculpture in Gaṅgādhara panels in the 7th century. Gaṅgādhara is very popular in Pallava art in Kanchipuram, Mamallapuram etc., 


 

 

 

 

 

Fig 3.  Śiva Gaṅgādhara with Sirius (Dog star) and Ganges, Pallava, Trichy, 7th century.

The melting snow in the Himalayas flow as the river Ganges in Summer and in Śaiva legends, Gaṅgā flows on the matted locks of the God Śiva. Michael Lockwood, in "Mystery Dog in Pallava Sculpture" (Indian Express, March 6, 1976) wondered about the significance of the dog, now mostly hidden under plaster. "What is surprising is that in many of these Gaṅgādhara panels a dog appears in one of the upper corners. To put it mildly, the dog is considered a lowly creature in Indian tradition. It is therefore difficult to guess why the Pallava artists should have introduced a dog into the Gaṅgādhara theme – a theme which represents such an auspicious event for the whole world." Śiva's nakṣatra is Ārdrā (Orion) meaning "moist"/"green" and He is correlated with monsoon rains through heliacal rising of Orion and Sirius in the month of June. Fertility is symbolized by Śiva Liṅga worship, and Śiva as Gaṅgādhara sports a dog (= Sirius) in the top corner. Like Bodhidharma and Śākya Nāyanār, Gaṅgādhara panels with dog are many in Kanchipuram Pallava era temples pointing to these kings' Śaka connections. Kōppeñciṅkan, in 13th century, calls himself a Pallava/Kāṭavan. His inscriptions in verse are in Tiruvannamalai temple. In a verse describing Gaṅgādhara form, Śiva appears in the form of a Dog, i.e., Sirius star (Mayilai Cīni Venkatasamy, Journal of Tamil Studies, 1974). This is akin to Varuṇa assuming the Crocodile form in the Makara Viṭaṅkar ("maḻu vāḷ neṭiyōn" of Sangam texts) in the Anthropomorphic Axe sculpture from Sonipat, Haryana. [Kak, Kurdush]. Much earlier, in Indus valley itself, Mahāyogi Paśupati has the legs of Gauṛ buffalo and wears the horns of Gauṛ.  A parallel seal shows "Paśupati" as a Gangetic crocodile while surrounding animals in both the IVC seals are identical.

Pāṇḍava and Pāṇḍya:

A. Parpola, ΠΔANΔAIH AND SĪTĀ: On The Historical Background of the Sanskrit Epics, Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 122, No. 2, pp. 361-373, 2002.

"The culture distinguished by the use of iron, horse, and Painted Grey Ware (PGW) (c. 1000-350 B.C.) is found lowest at all major sites associated with the main story of the MBh. It thus offers a suitable archaeological correlate to the earliest layers of the MBh (cf. Lal 1981; 1992; Buitenen 1973: I, lf.; Erdosy 1995: 79ff.; Brockington 1998: 133, 159-62). I have suggested that the early PGW culture with few and small towns (c. 1000- 700 B.C.) represents the Middle Vedic culture and its Kuru kingdom, and the late PGW culture with many more towns including Mathurā (c. 700-350 B.C.) the Pāṇḍava period (Parpola 1984: 453ff.).

King Pāṇḍu and the five Pāṇḍavas are never once mentioned in any Vedic text (Weber 1853: 402f.; Hopkins 1901: 376, 385, 396; Horsch 1966: 284; Brockington 1998: 6). The Pāṇḍavas, therefore, have arrived on the scene only after the completion of Vedic literature. They could crush the Kurus by making a marriage alliance with the Kurus' eastern neighbors, the Pañcālas. To consolidate their rule, the victorious Pāṇḍavas let themselves be grafted onto the Kuru genealogy and be represented as cousins of their former foes (Lassen 1847: I, 589-713; Weber 1852: 130-33; 1853: 402-4; Schroeder 1887: 476-82; Hopkins 1889: 2-13; 1901: 376)."

"Apart from the absence of their mention in Vedic texts, there are other indications pointing to the foreign, and specifically Iranian, origin of the Pāṇḍavas (cf. Parpola 1984). Their polyandric marriage, which shocked the people present (MBh 1,197,27-29; Hopkins 1889: 298f.), can be compared to the customs of the Iranian Massagetae (Herodotus 1,216). Hanging their dead in trees (MBh 4,5,27-29; Brockington 1998: 227) resembles the Iranian mode of exposure of the corpse to birds.

Foreign, northerly origin is suggested by their pale skin color, which the MBh (1,100,17-18) connects with the name of Pāṇḍu, literally 'pale'; the name Arjuna likewise means 'white' (Lassen 1847: I, 634, 641-43). Sanskrit pāṇḍu-, pāṇḍura-, pāṇḍara- 'white, whitish, yellowish, pale', attested since c. 800 B.C. (SB, SA), are loanwords going back to the same Dravidian root as Sanskrit phala- 'fruit' (cf. Tamil paḻam 'ripe fruit') and paṇḍita- 'learned' (differently Mayrhofer 1996: II, 70f.,

201f.), namely paḻ- / paṇḍ- 'to ripen, mature, arrive at perfection (as in knowledge, piety), change color by age, (fruit) to become yellow, (hair) to become grey, to become pale (as the body by disease [esp. leukoderma])' (cf. DEDR 4004; Parpola 1984: 455)."

"PĀṆḌYAS OF SOUTHERN MADHURĀ

The second Siṃhala king was called Paṇḍu-Vāsudeva. Paṇḍu(ka) figures in names of other Sinhalese kings as well, and associates them with the Pāṇḍavas of the MBh (thus also Lassen 1852: II, 102f.), whose father Pāṇḍu is called Paṇḍu (Cullavagga 64,43) or Paṇḍurājā (Jātaka V, 426) in Pāli texts. Paṇḍu-Vāsudeva's father-in-law, who ruled in a kingdom on the Ganges river, was likewise called Paṇḍu. He belonged to the Śakya clan, being a relative of the Buddha. Śakya is derived from Śaka, one of the principal names of Iranian steppe nomads. Its association with the name Paṇḍu is an additional hint of the Iranian origin of the Pāṇḍavas. [...]

Southern Madhurā is modern Madurai in Tamil Nadu, the capital of the Pāṇḍya kings, whose dynastic name is irregularly derived from Pāṇḍu (Pat. on Vārtt. 3 on Pāṇ. 4,1,168). The Sri Lankan kings kept contact with this city also later on (cf. Malalasekera 1937: II, 439). Megasthenes, writing c. 300 B.C., refers to the Pāṇḍya country when speaking of the Indian Heracles:

this Heracles ... had only one daughter. Her name was Pandaea [Pandaiē], and the country in which she was born, the government of which Heracles entrusted to her, was called Pandaea after the girl.... Some other Indians tell of Heracles that, after he had traversed every land and sea, and purged them of all evil monsters, he found in the sea a new form of womanly ornament... the sea margarita [pearl] as it is called in the Indian tongue. Heracles was in fact so taken with the beauty of the ornament that he collected this pearl from every sea and brought it to India to adorn his daughter ... among the Indians too the pearl is worth three times its weight in refined gold. (Arrian, Indica 8,6-13, trans. Brunt 1983: 329-31)"

"Meanwhile some megalithic Pāṇḍus turned towards the culturally more advanced northern India. Through marital and other alliances they eventually gathered such a force that one group, the Pāṇḍavas, took over the rule even in the mightiest kingdom of north India. Another successful group was the family to which the Buddha belonged: the Śākyas, too, were Pāṇḍus, ultimately of Śaka origin, as their name reveals. In north India, the Pāṇḍus quickly adopted the earlier local culture and language. Their newly won positions were legitimated with fabricated genealogies that made them a branch of the earlier ruling family, and with the performance of royal rituals. The propaganda was disseminated by professional bards, leading to the creation of the Mahābhārata."

 References:

(1)  N. Ganesan, Indus Crocodile Religion as seen in the Iron Age Tamil Nadu, 16th World Sanskrit Conference Proceedings, Bangkok, Thailand, 2016.     https://archive.org/details/IVCReligionInIronAgeTamilNaduByNGanesan-2016-16thWSC

(2) M. Lockwood, Buddhist Influence in the Gospels and The Invention of the Brahmi Script, 2017.

(3) M. Lockwood, The Invention of the Brahmi script: Where and under what circumstances! 2020.

(4) Kurush Dalal, Metal Men of the Doab: Still Figuring it Out  https://www.livehistoryindia.com/history-daily/2020/06/17/anthropomorph

(5) S. Kak, A Reading of the Brāhmī Letters on an Anthropomorphic Figure

https://medium.com/@subhashkak/a-reading-of-the-br%C4%81hm%C4%AB-letters-on-an-anthropomorphic-figure-2a3c505a9acd

(6) India's Parthian Colony: On the origin of the Pallava empire of Dravidia

https://www.cais-soas.com/CAIS/History/ashkanian/parthian_colony.htm

(7) Blue Eyes of Daruma san

https://darumasan.blogspot.com/2005/02/me-blue-eyes-of-daruma.html

(8) http://www.buddhanet.net/e-learning/history/bodhidharma.htm

(9) B. Faure, Bodhidharma as Textual and Religious Paradigm,

History of Religions, Vol. 25, No. 3, pp. 187-198, 1986.

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The Sound of the One Hand

Kamil Zvelebil, Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 107, No. 1 (Jan. - Mar., 1987), pp. 125-126

The Japanese Rinzai Zen master Hakuin (1686-1769) is credited with the invention of a famous kōan, “What is the sound of one hand clapping?" He describes the kōan in a letter to a laywoman: “What is the Sound of the Single Hand? When you clap together both hands a sharp sound is heard; when you raise the one hand there is neither sound nor smell ... This is something that can by no means be heard with the ear. ..."[1] Virtually all experts on Zen ascribe this kōan to Hakuin, maintaining that it was composed or invented by him.[2] It is most often either this kōan or the kōan ‘Mu' which the novices receive as their first kōan when they begin their training in Zen Buddhism. Authors on Zen consider the invention of this kōan a very remarkable and very original achievement of Hakuin.

In Folklore 15.1,[3] D. G. Niyogi published some Tripuri proverbs in the original and in an English translation. One of these proverbs says, “One hand's clapping does not produce sound.” I admit that I was surprised to read this, and I began to search for parallels elsewhere in India. And, indeed, to my delight, I found in Herman Jensen's immensely valuable collection of Tamil proverbs,[4] under no. 2823, the following one: oru kai tațțināl, ōcai eumpumā? “If one hand (only) is struck, will the sound (of clapping) be produced?” I subsequently searched through my notes collected in 1958 when I investigated various local and social dialects of Tamilnadu, and indeed discovered this saying: irukayyi tațțina: tã: o:ce (Madras Non-Brahmin) “only if (one) claps two hands, (there's) a sound.”

There are three possible explanations of this striking 'coincidence’. The similarity between the Indian proverbs (from two vastly distant and linguistically unconnected regions of India) and a sophisticated kōan of a Japanese Zen master is "purely accidental,” as the saying goes. This is of course not ruled out; however, it seems to me to be rather improbable. The authorities on Zen consider Hakuin's kōan a truly creative, witty personal accomplishment.

Another alternative is that Hakuin indeed “invented” this saying, and that it has somehow entered Indian folklore. I consider this virtually impossible, taking into account Hakuin's relatively late date, the geographic distance, and the occurrence of the notion of “no sound produced by one hand's clapping” in two separate folk-cultures of India.

The last alternative is that Hakuin has not “invented” the kōan but that it was current in the oral (?) transmission of Zen Buddhism, and Hakuin knew it, used it, and popularized its use. Let us examine this possibility.

Persistent tradition tells us that the ‘first Zen patriarch' Bodhidharma (ca. 470-532) was an Indian monk, the son of South Indian ruler, a king of Kanchipuram, and that he appeared one day at the southern Chinese port city of Canton around 520 A.D. whence he traveled to see Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty. This tradition point thus to Bodhidharma as a member of the ruling clan of the South Indian dynasty of the Pallavas, the contemporary of Skandavarman IV or Nandivarman I.

It is well known that Kanchipuram, the Pallava capital, was one of the most important strongholds of Indian Buddhism. An ancient Prākrit charter (the British Museum plates of Queen Cārudevī) [5] mentions among very early Pallavas two kings called Buddhavarman and Buddhayānkura, obviously Buddhists, belonging probably to the 4th century A.D. Another Buddhavarman belongs to ca. 540-560 A.D. The well-known commentator Buddhaghoṣa lived in Kanchipuram probably in late 5th century A.D. The Chinese Buddhist pilgrim Hsüan Tsang who visited South India in the 7th century A.D. tells us that there were about a hundred Buddhist monasteries in the city with more than 10,000 monks, and he also refers to Kanchih-pu-lo as the birth-place of Dharmapāla, the reputed author of treatises on etymology, logic and Buddhist metaphysics.[6] Undoubtedly, the Zen tradition of a South Indian Buddhist monk coming possibly from Kanchipuram to China in the early 6th century may be regarded as trustworthy. If Bodhidharma was a Tamil-speaking South Indian (whether Brahmin, as one version has it, or a prince), the popular saying of one hand producing no sound might have belonged to his linguistic competence.

On the other hand, we know from Hakuin's own writings that he took a great psychological interest in the kōan approach to Zen meditation and, in fact, revived the entire kōan theory in Rinzai Zen Buddhism. We also know that he was vastly educated, and his writings show erudition and, at the same time, vigor and dynamism. Finally, we know that he first advocated the ancient Chinese kōan ‘Mu' for beginners, and only later in life introduced 'The Sound of One Hand'. It is thus tempting to argue that Hakuin has not devised this kōan as his personal, original contribution, but in the course of his experience or studies came upon it as current in some stream of the oral or (less well-known, forgotten or lost) textual transmission in Zen Buddhism, and that the image is ultimately of Indian origin.

In a closer analysis we see that there is a general basic ‘premise’ of the fact that (only) the sound of two hands clapping can be heard, while the sound of a single hand cannot. This commonplace observation is shared by the two Indian sayings and Hakuin's kōan. What Hakuin did was to reformulate (and transform) a commonplace saying as a Zen kōan; If (only) the sound of two hands clapping can be heard, what is the sound of one hand? In this transformation, and in the use (function) of the saying as a kōan consists Hakuin's ingenuity and contribution.

KAMIL V. ZVELEBIL

UTRECHT

[1] Yampolsky, Philip B. (trans.), The Zen Master Hakuin: Selected Writings. New York, Columbia University Press, 1977, p. 164.

[2] E.g., Hoover, Thomas, The Zen Experience New York, 1980, p 230: “Initially he had advocated the “Mu” koan for beginners, but late in life he came up with the famous “What is the sound of one hand clapping?!” Cf. ib. p. 269, ftn. 18, “Hakuin's invention of his own koans, which were kept secret and never published ...” etc. Cf. also Joel Hoffmann, The Sound of the One Hand, Paladin, Frogmore, St. Albans, 1977, p. 208: “This koan was composed by the Japanese Zen Master Hakuin...," etc.

[3] Cf. Folklore (Calcutta) 15 (1974) 1.

[4] Jensen, Rev. Herman, A Classified Collection of Tamil Proverbs, Madras-London, 1897.

[5] Ep. Ind. VIII, p. 143-46.

[6] Watters, T., Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, Vol. II, 1905.

 

Bharatidasan song using the Tamil proverb that Kamil V. Zvelebil used in his 1987 JAOS article on Zen Koan.

பாரதிதாசன் பாடல்:

கூடித் தொழில் செய்க

கூடித் தொழில் செய்தோர் கொள்ளைலா பம்பெற்றார்
வாடிடும் பேதத்தால் வாய்ப்பதுண்டோ தோழர்களே!

நாடிய ஓர் தொழில் நாட்டார் பலர் சேர்ந்தால்
கேடில்லை நன்மை கிடைக்குமன்றோ தோழர்களே!

சிறுமுதலால் லாபம் சிறிதாகும்; ஆயிரம்பேர்
உறுமுதலால் லாபம் உயருமன்றோ தோழர்களே!

அறுபதுபேர் ஆக்கும் அதனை ஒருவன்
பெறுவதுதான் சாத்தியமோ பேசிடுவீர் தோழர்களே!

பற்பலபேர் சேர்க்கை பலம்சேர்க்கும்; செய்தொழிலில்
முற்போக்கும் உண்டாகும் முன்னிடுவீர் தோழர்களே!

ஒற்றைக் கைதட்டினால் ஓசை பெருகிடுமோ
மற்றும் பலரால் வளம்பெறுமோ தோழர்களே!

ஒருவன் அறிதொழிலை ஊரான் தொழிலாக்கிப்
பெரும்பே றடைவதுதான் வெற்றி என்க தோழர்களே!

இருவர் ஒருதொழிலில் இரண்டுநாள் ஒத்திருந்த
சரிதம் அரிதுநம் தாய்நாட்டில் தோழர்களே!

நாடெங்கும் வாழ்வதிற் கேடொன்று மில்லைஎனும்
பாடம் அதைஉணர்ந்தாற் பயன்பெறலாம் தோழர்களே!

பீடுற்றார் மேற்கில் பிறநாட்டார் என்பதெல்லாம்
கூடித் தொழில்செய்யும் கொள்கையினால் தோழர்களே!

http://www.tamilvu.org/slet/l9100/l9100pd1.jsp?bookid=146&pno=25

Journey-from-Graffiti-to-Brahmi-K.Rajan-book-review

 Dilip K. Chakrabarti, Cambridge University, Book Review: K. Rajan, Early Writing System: A Journey from Graffiti to Brahmi.  Indian Historical Review, Volume: 44 issue: 1, page(s): 136-139,  June 30, 2017.

https://doi.org/10.1177/0376983617694685

"K. Rajan, Early Writing System: A Journey from Graffiti to Brahmi. Madurai: Pandya Nadu Centre for Archaeological Research, 2015, XXII + 439 pp., Rs. 2290 (Hardback)." DOI: 10.1177/0376983617694685"

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There is a serious rift in the field of ancient historical and archaeological research between north and south India. One of the main reasons is the lack of familiarity with south Indian languages on the part of north Indian historians and with north Indian languages on the part of south Indian historians. The situation is not desirable, and I am not aware how it can be rectified unless the students are encouraged to choose their research topics in areas beyond their own regional and provincial linguistic domain. Considering the current state of ancient historical and archaeological research in Indian universities, much of which is due to the abysmally low academic quality of its teachers recruited most shamelessly on the basis of caste and regional/national politics, the situation is unlikely to change in the near future.

One of the manifestations of this dichotomy is the general lack of awareness of the various problems specific to different parts of the country. The beginning of writing is one such issue, on which a great amount of light is thrown by the book under review.

I am not competent to write about the graffiti or about what the author Professor K. Rajan calls Tamil-Brahmi. I shall only try to make clear how this book throws important light on the general issue of the beginning of writing in early historic India. Basically, the book is a report on the author’s Kodumanal excavations with special reference to all its excavated data on graffiti and other inscribed material.

The Asokan inscriptions provide a major fixed point of the early historic Indian script in the sense that it is the earliest material available. Not so long ago there were some scholars who believed that they could point out some pre-Asokan cases of Brahmi, especially in the script of the Sohgaura inscription from eastern Uttar Pradesh. It may kindly be noted that ancient historians are usually opinionated persons who operate mostly without firm evidence, that is, evidence which can be corroborated by any independent method or evidence. One of the men who refused to accept any pre-Asokan evidence of Brahmi was the late D.C. Sircar, and I suspect that it is primarily because of his academic eminence that the theory of pre-Asokan Brahmi has been held in abeyance for some time. In fact, a few scholars have emerged arguing that it was the King Asoka who was personally responsible for the discovery of Brahmi. Opinions such as these only show that given half the chance, modern historians of ancient India will not stop at anything!

What about the literary sources regarding the beginning of historic writing in India? The problem about these sources is that scholars are seldom unanimous about their dates. Let us take the case of the Buddhist Jataka stories. I believe that they relate to conditions around 500 BC and this I do mainly on the ground that the principality of Kasi was an independent kingdom under Brahmadatta when the Jataka stories were being narrated and that this independence was lost when the Magadhan king Ajatasatru annexed it in the sixth/fifth century BC. The logic splitting over the Jatakas has never ended; some people argue that their verse portion is earlier than their prose portion, and for some inscrutable reason, D.D. Kosambi, a mathematician who thought he knew how ancient Indian history should be written, took it for granted that the context of the Jataka stories included early centuries AD. In any case, the Jatakas were familiar with writing and this literary text should suggest that writing was known in historic India around 500 BC. By the way, why there is so much uncertainty regarding the dates of Indian texts? The reason is simple: they are usually undateable. You cannot date a  text on the basis of its language. You can put it in a linguistic frame, of whose general date you may have an idea but nothing more than that can be argued. Language per se does not date anything. Historians who call for ‘interdisciplinary’ historical research through language studies simply forget this simple truth. In some quarters of modern archaeology, what is happening in the name of ‘archaeo-linguistic’ studies is precisely this. The extent to which one can accept or deny the premises of ‘archaeo-linguistics’ depends on the extent of one’s faith in the premises built up by orthodox ‘comparative philologists’ of the nineteenth century. That ‘New Archaeology’ of the 1960s and 1970s, which began by swearing in the name of ‘science’, should reduce itself to linguistic mumbo jumbo of the nineteenth century is possibly an object lesson in how archaeology need not be confused with hard science. Current proponents of ‘archaeolinguists’ have also forgotten that ‘comparative philology’ which is the progenitor  of their ‘archaeolinguistics’ had a strong smell of racism about it. Proof—hard, solid and verifiable proof—is what any study—historical studies included—needs. At least, there should be strong circumstantial evidence or a strong circumstantial logic behind our historical premises.

One of the main reasons why such hard proof or hard circumstantial proof is missing from ancient Indian studies is that our writings were generally inscribed on palm leaves or birch leaves and such writings have not survived. We seldom wrote on perishable materials like clay which, once burnt, became well-nigh imperishable. This is how so much of the ancient Mesopotamian and Egyptian literature has survived whereas the surviving Indus civilisation corpus of writing is amazingly incomplete. This must be the reason why the administrative archives of ancient India have not survived. Some inscriptions do, in fact, imply that there were administrative store houses of documents. That the Indians preferred to record most of the things of their lives on palm leaves has been known even as late as the late nineteenth century when the Indian census recorders of the period returned their ‘proformas’ incised on palm leaves.

Sringaverapura is a site on the bank of the Ganga, not far upstream of Allahabad. Birch leaf fragments have been identified in its Black-and-Red Ware level dated around 800 BC at the site. The nearest source of birch leaf (Betula utilis or bhurja patra) is the Himalayas, possibly Garhwal hills. What is the point in importing these leaves to Srinagaverapura unless they were used for writing? This is certainly a piece of hard circumstantial evidence in favour of pre-Asokan existence of writing in early historic India.

The volume under review puts forward the direct hard evidence in the form of incised Brahmi script dated around 500 BC at Kodumanal. This hard evidence has taken a long time in coming. Sometime in the 1990s, excavations at the Sri Lankan site of Anuradhapura yielded examples of Brahmi script inscribed on pottery in the radio-carbon-dated context of mid-fifth century BC. There was nothing to doubt this dating. Many examples of the so-called Tamil-Brahmi script they found at Anuradhapura have been found in many places in south India, and what the Anuradhapura discovery ought to have given birth to was the belief that similar inscriptions from the south should go back to the mid-fifth century BC. This regrettably did not happen. Our scholars preferred to ignore the Anuradhapura finding.

In the late 1990s, Professor Rajan was in Cambridge as an Academic  Staff  Fellow attached to me. We consequently had an opportunity to discuss the dates of  his Kodumanal excavations which had yielded no radiocarbon date then. However, Professor Rajan’s discussion on the stratigraphy of the site convinced me that its earliest level was certainly pre-300 BC. I believe I supported this opinion in my India—An Archaeological History published in 1999 and The Oxford Companion to Indian Archaeology (2006). Further, in my The Ancient Routes of the Deccan and the Southern Peninsula (2010), I laid down the archaeological and historical basis of my argument that the early historic urban growth in south India should date from about 500 BC. In the context of north India, I called it a process from 800 to 500 BC.

After the two relevant sites excavated by Professor Rajan—Kodumanal and Porunthal—and their radiocarbon dates are taken into account, there is no reason to doubt for a moment that the archaeological evidence of the Brahmi script in Tamil  Nadu is about 500 BC. Correspondingly, early historic urban growth in Tamil Nadu should also date from this period. This is an argument which I made in my The Ancient Routes of the Deccan and the Southern Peninsula without even the radiocarbon dates.

Archaeological discoveries when they upset the traditional beliefs should be matters of great rejoicings. Professor Rajan’s discovery belongs to this category, and I congratulate him on relentlessly pursuing his work and emerging eventually successful.

 

Dilip K. Chakrabarti

Emeritus Professor of South Asian Archaeology

Cambridge University Cambridge, UK